Some ideas, like vampires, will not die. The graduate tax is such an idea. It cannot be the right solution to a big challenge: how to sustain excellence in UK universities in today’s straitened times.
In its purest form, a graduate tax would impose an extra, income-related impost on the incomes of graduates, with proceeds going to universities. Here are a few difficulties. As a tax, it would not cover non-residents and so would shift the burden from emigrants and students who come from the European Union (more than 100,000 a year!) on to those who remained in the UK. It would, presumably, not apply to those who obtained degrees abroad. It would mean that people with identical incomes and circumstances would pay different tax. There is also little reason to expect that any extra money would go to universities. And last, the UK already has a graduate tax, since graduates must be the predominant payers of higher rates of income tax.
Perhaps, the greatest drawback of moving from the current income-contingent repayment of fees towards a graduate tax is that it would again put the allocation of funds under the control of the state. Yet autonomy is the characteristic of all successful institutions. The introduction of fees – Tony Blair’s greatest achievement in public service provision – was a first, albeit tentative, step in that direction. The UK should foster competition among universities in the provision of high-quality teaching. The role of government is, then, to act as a bank, funding fees up front and taking repayment after graduates reach a threshold income. This is precisely what the present limited system achieves, though at too low a ceiling on fees, at just £3,000 a year.
Yes, this is a debt. But the idea that the British, among the most enthusiastic borrowers in the world, are put off by debt is laughable. If they are convinced that what they receive is worthwhile, they will surely take on the commitment.
Some ideas, like vampires, will not die. The graduate tax is such an idea. It cannot be the right solution to a big challenge: how to sustain excellence in UK universities in today’s straitened times.
In its purest form, a graduate tax would impose an extra, income-related impost on the incomes of graduates, with proceeds going to universities. Here are a few difficulties. As a tax, it would not cover non-residents and so would shift the burden from emigrants and students who come from the European Union (more than 100,000 a year!) on to those who remained in the UK. It would, presumably, not apply to those who obtained degrees abroad. It would mean that people with identical incomes and circumstances would pay different tax. There is also little reason to expect that any extra money would go to universities. And last, the UK already has a graduate tax, since graduates must be the predominant payers of higher rates of income tax.
Perhaps, the greatest drawback of moving from the current income-contingent repayment of fees towards a graduate tax is that it would again put the allocation of funds under the control of the state. Yet autonomy is the characteristic of all successful institutions. The introduction of fees – Tony Blair’s greatest achievement in public service provision – was a first, albeit tentative, step in that direction. The UK should foster competition among universities in the provision of high-quality teaching. The role of government is, then, to act as a bank, funding fees up front and taking repayment after graduates reach a threshold income. This is precisely what the present limited system achieves, though at too low a ceiling on fees, at just £3,000 a year.
Yes, this is a debt. But the idea that the British, among the most enthusiastic borrowers in the world, are put off by debt is laughable. If they are convinced that what they receive is worthwhile, they will surely take on the commitment.
Some ideas, like vampires, will not die. The graduate tax is such an idea. It cannot be the right solution to a big challenge: how to sustain excellence in UK universities in today’s straitened times.
In its purest form, a graduate tax would impose an extra, income-related impost on the incomes of graduates, with proceeds going to universities. Here are a few difficulties. As a tax, it would not cover non-residents and so would shift the burden from emigrants and students who come from the European Union (more than 100,000 a year!) on to those who remained in the UK. It would, presumably, not apply to those who obtained degrees abroad. It would mean that people with identical incomes and circumstances would pay different tax. There is also little reason to expect that any extra money would go to universities. And last, the UK already has a graduate tax, since graduates must be the predominant payers of higher rates of income tax.
Perhaps, the greatest drawback of moving from the current income-contingent repayment of fees towards a graduate tax is that it would again put the allocation of funds under the control of the state. Yet autonomy is the characteristic of all successful institutions. The introduction of fees – Tony Blair’s greatest achievement in public service provision – was a first, albeit tentative, step in that direction. The UK should foster competition among universities in the provision of high-quality teaching. The role of government is, then, to act as a bank, funding fees up front and taking repayment after graduates reach a threshold income. This is precisely what the present limited system achieves, though at too low a ceiling on fees, at just £3,000 a year.
Yes, this is a debt. But the idea that the British, among the most enthusiastic borrowers in the world, are put off by debt is laughable. If they are convinced that what they receive is worthwhile, they will surely take on the commitment.
Some ideas, like vampires, will not die. The graduate tax is such an idea. It cannot be the right solution to a big challenge: how to sustain excellence in UK universities in today’s straitened times.
In its purest form, a graduate tax would impose an extra, income-related impost on the incomes of graduates, with proceeds going to universities. Here are a few difficulties. As a tax, it would not cover non-residents and so would shift the burden from emigrants and students who come from the European Union (more than 100,000 a year!) on to those who remained in the UK. It would, presumably, not apply to those who obtained degrees abroad. It would mean that people with identical incomes and circumstances would pay different tax. There is also little reason to expect that any extra money would go to universities. And last, the UK already has a graduate tax, since graduates must be the predominant payers of higher rates of income tax.
Perhaps, the greatest drawback of moving from the current income-contingent repayment of fees towards a graduate tax is that it would again put the allocation of funds under the control of the state. Yet autonomy is the characteristic of all successful institutions. The introduction of fees – Tony Blair’s greatest achievement in public service provision – was a first, albeit tentative, step in that direction. The UK should foster competition among universities in the provision of high-quality teaching. The role of government is, then, to act as a bank, funding fees up front and taking repayment after graduates reach a threshold income. This is precisely what the present limited system achieves, though at too low a ceiling on fees, at just £3,000 a year.
Yes, this is a debt. But the idea that the British, among the most enthusiastic borrowers in the world, are put off by debt is laughable. If they are convinced that what they receive is worthwhile, they will surely take on the commitment.
If a graduate tax is an absurdity and provision of extra money from general revenue is inconceivable in today’s circumstances, where is the extra money to come from to ensure high-quality teaching? Since today’s fees, plus government contribution, do not cover these costs, this is a central question. There are three answers: cross-subsidisation from other sources of income; gifts; and higher fees. Raising the latter has to be the principal recommendation of the review of higher education funding being undertaken by Lord Browne, former chairman of BP. Yes, that will be unpopular. But, given the unpopularity of what the government is already committed to doing, it is almost a bagatelle.
The question is how to make such an increase in fees both workable and palatable. Workability must involve the elimination of the huge interest-rate subsidy. What about making it more palatable? Here the thoughts of Vince Cable, secretary of state for business, innovation and skills, are relevant. He condemns the present arrangement as a “poll tax” (though it is a fee for services). He argues that “it surely can’t be right that a teacher or care worker or research scientist is expected to pay the same graduate contribution as a top commercial lawyer or surgeon or City analyst whose graduate premium is so much bigger.” His solution is a “variable graduate contribution tied to earnings”.
Is this any more than a graduate tax? In theory, yes. One could imagine “equity contracts” in which universities replaced (or, more likely, supplemented) fixed fees with shares in future earnings. This would preserve the autonomy of fees, while creating what many consider greater fairness. The question is whether such equity contracts could work. Could the UK government enforce such contracts across the world? Could universities do so directly? Yes, the idea can be considered. But it is surely too complex to execute.
Forget a general tax on graduates. Eliminate the unaffordable interest-rate subsidy. Raise the fee limit, while making universities raise money for bursaries. Think about equity contracts. But remember that the aim is to support autonomy. A proposal that fails here simply fails.